Progressive Calendar 08.14.05 | <– Date –> <– Thread –> |
From: David Shove (shove001![]() |
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Date: Sun, 14 Aug 2005 12:47:31 -0700 (PDT) |
P R O G R E S S I V E C A L E N D A R 08.14.05 1. Helping vets/video 8.15 6:30pm 2. Eyes wide open/plan 8.15 7pm 3. Somali justice 8.16 4pm 4. Natural step 8.16 5:30pm 5. Hakeem/Bicking dinner 8.16 6pm 6. Shirley Chisholm/film 8.16 6:30pm 7. Hormel strike/film 8.16 7:30pm 8. Solar energy 8.17 6:30pm 9. Shadows photos 8.17 7pm 10. Ralph Nader - An open letter to Cindy Sheehan, Crawford, Texas 11. Joshua Frank - Don't believe the hype: Howard Dean and the PDA 12. Sharon Smith - The new anti-war majority 13. Stan Goff - Homegrown resistance 14. Tim Wise - Reflections on Indian mascots and white rage 15. ed - Uncle Sam at I.A. --------1 of 15-------- From: wamm <wamm [at] mtn.org> Subject: Helping vets/video 8.15 6:30pm Third Monday Movies FREE: "The Soldier's Heart" Monday, August 15, 6:30 p.m. St Joan of Arc Church, Upper Room Parish House, 4537 Third Avenue South, Minneapolis. Parking is close, free, and easy. Thousands of U.S. soldiers are returning from Iraq free from physical injury but haunted by memories from the battlefield. In "The Soldier's Heart," FRONTLINE explores the psychological cost of war and investigates whether the military is doing enough to help the many combat veterans coming home with emotional problems. With unprecedented access to active duty service members at Camp Pendleton, a Marine base in San Diego, and through interviews with mental health experts both in and out of the military and members of a Camp Pendleton support group, FRONTLINE uncovers one of the underreported stories from the war in Iraq. Discussion follows. FFI: Call the WAMM office at 612-827-5364 --------2 of 15-------- From: LLGrahamPeterson [at] stkate.edu Subject: Eyes wide plan 8.15 7pm Volunteers needs for AFSC exhibit; attend planning meetings Aug. 15 or Aug. 29 American Friends Service Committee's acclaimed exhibit and memorial to lives lost in the Iraq war and occupation, Eyes Wide Open, is coming to the Twin Cities Sept. 29-Oct. 1. Volunteers are needed for pre-event planning (logisitcs, programs, publicity) as well as on-site assistance during the three-day event. The next two planning committee meetings are August 15 and 29 at the Twin Cities Friends Meeting, 1725 Grand Av, St. Paul, at 7pm. Come to one of the meetings or contact Anne Benson at annebenson [at] msn.com or 651-699-6995 (press 2) to lend your assistance. More information about Eyes Wide Open and the Twin Cities event is at www.afsc.org/eyes/ The exhibit will be at the College of St. Catherine St. Paul campus. --------3 of 15-------- From: omar jamal <shabeelj [at] yahoo.com> Subject: Somali justice 8.16 4pm Somali Justice Advocacy Center invited the British Consul to St Paul HM Consul General Andrew Seaton on Tuesday August 16 from 4-7pm at Hamline LAw School Sundin Music Hall. Somali Justice Advocacy Center after complaints about the possible interviews of the Somali community here in twin cities in relation to U.K bombing by the Feds. The Center invited the British Consulate here in St Paul on Tuesday August 16, 2005 to address the issue. the Consulate will strictly speak about the issues and events in U.K not here in the United States. HM Consul General Andrew Seaton will the keynote speaker at this event and everyone is welcomed. Omar Jamal Executive Director Somali Justice Advocacy Center 1050 Selby Avenue St Paul, MN 55102 Voicemail: 651-917-0383 Fax: 651-917-0379 --------4 of 15-------- From: Alliance for Sustainability <iasa [at] mtn.org> Subject: Natural step 8.16 5:30pm Please join us for Sustainability and the Natural Step Framework: A Win-Win for Business, Our Community and the Earth. This Seminar provides an innovative, successful, and cost-effective approach for becoming environmentally and socially responsible based on consensus and systems thinking. Its purpose is to present a common framework comprised of easily-understood, scientifically-based principles that can serve as a compass to guide society toward a just and sustainable future. Details at www.allianceforsustainability.net Tuesday and Wednesday August 16 & 17 from 6:15-9:45pm 5:30pm Aug 16 Optional Dinner and Registration Aug 17 Optional Dinner Includes informative tour of this innovative nature center. RSVP requested and advanced registration discount: $95 if payment received by Tuesday August 9th. Additional $10 after and $20 at the door if space is available. Contributing members of the Alliance and other sponsors get $20 discount. There are a limited number of scholarships available. Registration is available online at www.allianceforsustainability.net then click on Donate. Contact: Alliance for Sustainability at (612) 331-1099; info [at] allianceforsustainability.net; www.allianceforsustainability.net This event is offered to you by the City of Richfield's Wood Lake Nature Center, Congregations Caring for Creation, MN Office of Environmental Assistance, Responsible Minnesota Business, American Institute of Architects-MN Committee of the Environment, EarthSave Twin Cities, and the Alliance for Sustainability --------5 of 15-------- From: Hakeem Farheen <hijabicycle [at] YAHOO.COM> Subject: Hakeem/Bicking dinner 8.16 6pm Hakeem/Bicking Fundraising Dinner Tuesday August 16 at 6pm at Walker Methodist Church Mayoral candidate Farheen Hakeem and 9th Ward City Council candidate Dave Bicking will be holding a fundraising dinner at the Walker Methodist Church which features an authentic Mexican dinner. This dinner will also feature the artwork of Ricardo Levins Morales. Individuals who are interested in attending should RSVP Crystal by calling (612) 721-6769. The suggested donation is $20. The Walker Methodist Church is located 16th Ave. S. 31st. St. South, Minneapolis Check out www.hakeemformayor.org and www.davebicking.org for more info. --------6 of 15-------- From: patty guerrero <pattypax [at] earthlink.net> Subject: Shirley Chisholm 8.16 6:30pm Tuesday, Aug 16, we will be watching the film that was shown on POV this year of Shirley Chisholm, called "Unbought and Unbossed." It is the story of her candidacy for US President in 1972. She has always been someone i have admired through the years, and i just want to show it. It is very good. Salons are held (unless otherwise noted in advance): Tuesdays, 6:30 to 8:30 pm. Mad Hatter's Tea House, 943 W 7th, St Paul, MN Free but donations encouraged for program and treats. Call 651-227-3228 or 651-227-2511 for information. --------7 of 15-------- From: North Star Anarchist Co. <mnacollective [at] yahoo.com> Subject: Hormel strike/film 8.16 7:30pm NorthStar Anarchist Collective proudly presents: AMERICAN DREAM the award-winning Barbara Koppel documentary on the Hormel Meatpackers strike in Austin, MN Tuesday, August 16 MAPPS Cafe 7:30pm Cedar & Riverside 1810 Riverside (across from the Hard Times Cafe) Cost: free To help mark the 20th anniversary of the historic P-9 meatpackers strike against the Hormel Co. in Austin, Minnesota , NorthStar Anarchist Collective presents the award-winning Barbara Koppel documentary "American Dream." The strike by UFCW Local P-9 pitted a small town union and its fired up rank & file against the combined power of the most profitable Meatpacking corporation (Hormel Co.) , a sell-out union International (the UFCW), and the Minnesota National Guard (called out by a "pro-labor" DFL governor). The strike divided a town and inspired rebel workers across the country. At a time when Northwest Airlines is demanding more and more concessions from its workers and the AFL-CIO splits in two, it is more than worth it to re-examine the lessons of the P-9 struggle at Hormel. Former Chair of the Twin Cities P-9 Metro support committee and Prof. of History at Macalaster College Peter Rachleff will lead a post film discussion. email: mnacollective [at] yahoo.com web: www.arampls.com/northstar --------8 of 15-------- From: Mark Snyder <snyde043 [at] tc.umn.edu> Subject: Solar energy 8.17 6:30pm I'm glad to see the interest in solar energy systems being raised by the micro-loan idea from the Cam Gordon campaign. Folks interested in learning more about solar in general and a neighborhood approach to increasing solar energy use might want to check out this upcoming event sponsored by Southeast Como Improvement Association. - Southeast Como Solar Pilot Project Wednesday August 17 (6:30pm) Van Cleve Park multi-purpose room, 15th & Como Aves SE Topic: What does in mean to utilize solar energy and how can Como residents tap into this free fuel locally. Speakers: Innovative Power Systems, Center for Energy and Environment, and others. Sign me up for solar! is an initiative that we are undertaking to launch the "Southeast Como Solar Pilot Project". We are looking for a few good residents who are interested in solar energy (primarily residential hot water systems) to sign on to our list to receive updates and demonstrate interest in solar energy. We are working on a three pronged approach to try to make the systems as affordable as possible. One of the only solar equipment installers in the state is in the Como neighborhood and we have been actively working with them to partner on this project along with other entities. Solar energy is a way we can reduce our dependence on fossil fuels locally while also benefiting air quality. FFI: go to http://www.secomo.org/Solarpage.htm or contact Justin Eibenholzl at 676-1731 / ec [at] secomo.org. We have nifty yellow "Sign me up for Solar" signs available in our office for you to display in your window to help publicize the project. --------9 of 15-------- From: Lydia Howell <lhowell [at] visi.com> Subject: Shadows photos 8.17 7pm August 17 7pm Jan Goff-LaFontiane "Out of the Shadows" is a traveling exhibition of forty black & white photographs by Jan Goff-LaFontaine <http://www.janlafontaine.com/about.html>, nationally exhibited and collected photographer, and published book author. This intimate photo essay is a celebration of the strength, courage, and beauty of women. *Out of the Shadows* portrays the healing journeys of women who are survivors of physical and sexual abuse, focusing on the connection we all have to each other as human beings. --------10 of 15-------- An Open Letter to Cindy Sheehan, Crawford, Texas May You Prevail, Where Others Have Failed By RALPH NADER CounterPunch August 11, 2005 Dear Ms. Sheehan, >From your grief over the loss of your son, Casey, in Iraq has come the courage to spotlight nationally the cowardly character trait of a President who refuses to meet with anyone or any group critical of his illegal, fabricated, deceptive war and occupation of that ravaged country. As a messianic militarist, Mr. Bush turned aside his own father's major advisers who warned him of the terroristic, political, and diplomatic perils to the United States from an invasion of Iraq. He refused to listen. Thirteen organizations in early 2003 separately wrote their President requesting a meeting to have him hear them out as to why they opposed his drumbeating, on-the-road-to war policies. These groups represented millions of Americans. They included church leaders, veterans, business, labor, retired intelligence officials, students, women and others. They are among those Americans who are not allowed through the carefully screened public audiences that are bused to arenas around the country to hear his repetitive slogans for carrying on this draining, boomeranging war. They each wrote President Bush but he never bothered even to acknowledge their letters simply to say no to the requested meetings. Not even the courtesy of a reply came from their White House. Ever since then it has been the same - exclusion, denial, contempt and arrogance for views counter to that of Mr. Bush and Mr. Cheney and the tight circle around them that composes the inner tin ear of this Administration. Why, they even refuse to listen to objections by their own government's military lawyers (JAG) over repeated violations of due process of law. When will he realize that he is supposed to be the President of all the people, not just those misled into supporting his Iraq maneuvers? Perhaps the breakthrough will begin this hot August in Crawford, Texas, with the devastating loss of a beloved child transformed into a mission for the soul of our country. This rogue regime, led by two draft-dodgers and officially counseled by similar pro-war evaders during the Vietnam War, is not "our country." Millions of Americans, including military and public servants in his Administration, and many in the retired military, diplomatic and intelligence services, opposed this war, still oppose it and do not equate George W. Bush and Dick Cheney with the United States of America. Our flag stands for "liberty and justice for all." Our flag must never be misused or defiled as a bandanna for war crimes, as a gag against the people's freedom of speech and conscience or as a fig leaf to hide the shame of charlatans in high public office, who violate our Constitution, our laws and our founding fathers' framework for accountable, responsive government. You will be goaded to cross the semantic line against a President who himself has crossed the much graver constitutional line that has cost so many lives on both sides and continues to cost and cost our country in so many ways domestically and before the world. Neglecting America for the Iraq war has become the widening downward path trod by the Bush government. Authenticity, bereft of contrivances, is what must confront this White House Misleader. And authenticity is what you are and what drives you as you demand to see this resistant President. He is on an intermittent month long vacation, with spells for fundraisers and other insulated events. His schedule provides ample time for such a meeting. You reflect the hopes and prayers of millions of like-minded Americans. Should he relent and opens his doors, be sure to ask why he low-balls U.S. casualties in Iraq, deleting and disrespecting soldiers seriously hurt or sickened in the Iraq war theater, but not in direct combat. Remind him of those soldiers back in military hospitals who, with their families, wonder why they are not being counted as they cope with their serious and permanent disabilities. (60 Minutes, CBS program). Ask him why, despite Pentagon audits and GAO investigations about corruption, waste and non-delivery of services in Iraq by profiteering large corporations totaling billions of dollars, this Commander of Chief accepted campaign contributions from their executives and proceeds to let this giant corporate robbery continue without the requisite law and order? Consider bringing to him a copy of President Dwight Eisenhower's famous "Cross of Iron" speech, delivered in April 1953 before the nation's newspaper editors in Washington, D.C. And add statements by Marine General Anthony Zinni (ret.), a Middle East specialist who strongly criticized the Bush-Cheney war policy before and after March 2003. May you and your associates succeed in galvanizing the public debate in this country over why a growing majority of Americans now think it was a costly mistake to invade Iraq and want our soldiers back, with the U.S. out of that country. He knows that his support for how he is handling this war-occupation is falling close to one third of respondents in recent polls - the lowest yet. Even with the mass-media at his disposal everyday, he now represents a minority of public opinion, which should give him pause before closing his oil marinated doors on majority views in this nation. May you prevail where others have failed to secure an audience with Mr. Bush. Sincerely, Ralph Nader Ralph Nader is a consumer advocate and former presidential candidate. You can comment on this letter on his blogspot at DemocracyRising.US. --------11 of 15-------- Don't Believe the Hype Howard Dean and the PDA By JOSHUA FRANK CopunterPunch August 10, 2005 After all they have been through, they still don't get it. The Democrats are as inept a political opposition as George W. Bush is at running his daddy's oil companies. DNC Chairman Howard Dean has just finished a long 30-state trip across the country, during which he met with thousands of enthusiastic Democrats looking for some way to challenge the Republican Party. "There are Democrats everywhere," Dean exclaimed in Vermont on August 8 at the finale of his barn-storming tour. Still taking the lead from George Lakoff's assessment that the Democrats don't get the language right, Dean announced, "We need a message. It has to be clear. The framing of the debate determines who wins the debate. Running away from issues is how you lose elections." Sure, the rhetoric sounds nice. Issues do matter. But Dean's vision has no teeth. As DNC chair he has run away from women's rights by attempting to court anti-choicers into the Dem fold. He has also called for a prolonged occupation of Iraq. So much for the "issues" that matter. However, Dean hopes his populist mantra is enough to keep progressive Democrats well situated within the confines of the Democratic establishment. The Progressive Democrats of America (PDA) are also taking the same line, as they hope the progressive wing of the Democratic Party can gain some power out in Washington. Sadly, the PDA has the blessing of several boisterous Green Party members, including David Cobb and Ted Glick, who are obviously disinterested in re-building their own struggling party. But the PDA, like DNC guru Howard Dean, is not to be trusted as an avenue for progressive change. The best way to wage a fight against the Washington Democrats is to challenge them from outside the party. If PDA Democrats left in protest of their marginalization, change might be possible. That is, of course, if they don't take the same stance as Cobb and Glick who continue to act as progressive Democrats and not Green Party leaders. That's wishful thinking, of course. Instead the Dems continue to act as the party of opposition but continually fail to distinguish themselves from the Republicans on a host of critical issues. Dean's new call for a realigning of Democratic values is all for naught, as he is only talking about changing the failing rhetoric, not the failing policy. Dean's promise to change the way the Democrats talk about issues is a sure sign his party will never ever genuinely embrace the issues that matter most to progressives. They'll only talk about the issues differently. The Democrats will never be anti-war. They will never be pro-living wage. They will never be in favor of real universal health-care; they'll only pretend they are. So don't' believe the hype, for nothing could be more damaging to building a left alternative than believing Howard Dean and the PDA are avenues for legitimate change in the US. Joshua Frank is the author of the brand new book, Left Out!: How Liberals Helped Reelect George W. Bush, which has just been published by Common Courage Press. You can order a copy at a discounted rate at www.brickburner.org. Joshua can be reached at Joshua [at] brickburner.org. --------12 of 15-------- Can There be Progress Without Struggle? The New Anti-War Majority By SHARON SMITH CounterPunch August 11, 2005 With opinion polls consistently showing a majority of Americans against the Iraq occupation, some prominent liberals are stepping forward to take credit for this welcome development. The "antiwar movement is winning by staying silent," was the theme of a recent column by American Prospect editor Harold Meyerson in the New Hampshire Union Leader. Congratulations are apparently in order to those responsible for the antiwar movement's hiatus throughout John Kerry's election campaign last year. "[H]owever perverse this may sound," Meyerson wrote, "the absence of an antiwar movement is proving to be a huge political problem for the Bush administration." Today's movement has cleverly avoided the mistakes made during Vietnam, according to Myerson, when a massive, militant movement helped Richard Nixon get re-elected by alienating the "silent majority." Today, he insists, the rising tide of antiwar opinion is a direct result of Democrats' failure to oppose the war. "With unprecedented discipline, Democrats who had opposed the war lined up behind the candidacy of John Kerry, whose position on the war was muddled at best," Meyerson enthused. Better still, he added, "the question of the occupation fell off the liberal agenda. At the Take Back America conference, a national gathering of liberals held [in June], the issue barely came up at all." Other antiwar liberals are offering an equally upbeat assessment--but in contrast to Meyerson, claim the movement's record of dedicated activism is responsible for shifting the political winds. On July 14, United for Peace and Justice (UFPJ), the nation's largest antiwar coalition, issued an action alert claiming, "Years of intense antiwar organizing are beginning to pay off in the legislative realm, with movement in both houses of Congress to call for U.S. withdrawal from Iraq." In reality, the antiwar movement suspended activist opposition to the Iraq occupation during Kerry's election campaign, as this would have proven awkward for the pro-war candidate. UFPJ's September 24 protest will mark its first national antiwar demonstration since the war began two-and-a-half years ago, other than the mobilization against the Republican National Convention. Americans' sentiment against the Iraq occupation is growing not so much because of the antiwar movement's achievements at home, but because the anti-occupation struggle in Iraq is succeeding in its aims. Nor is the picture on Capitol Hill quite as rosy as depicted by UFPJ. To be sure, some 60 members of the House of Representatives have formed an "Out of Iraq Caucus," urging "the return of U.S. service members to their families as soon as possible." But on July 20, by a margin of 291-137, the House approved a resolution stating "an early withdrawal" from Iraq would "embolden the terrorists," and the U.S. should leave only when its foreign policy goals have been achieved. The House also voted 304-124 for an amendment reiterating its support for the detention of terrorist suspects at Guantnamo Bay. Despite the antiwar majority in public opinion, Congress remains solidly behind the war. Antiwar activists now face a strategic choice: either galvanize the antiwar majority into a mass opposition movement or continue to prioritize lobbying Congress and supporting liberal (or not so liberal) Democrats. The antiwar movement cannot build an effective opposition to the war while it ties its fate to a pro-war party. Supporting Kerry last year resulted in an enormous setback for the antiwar movement. Those responsible for that failed strategy now seek to justify it in hindsight, using contradictory and unconvincing evidence, while taking credit where no credit is due. The torture at Abu Ghraib should have caused a crisis for the Bush administration last year, but the antiwar movement did not organize around the issue. The destruction of Falluja could have forced the massive Iraqi death toll into mainstream discourse, as the My Lai massacre did during Vietnam, but the movement remained silent despite the massacre of hundreds of Iraqi civilians. The movement's ability to affect the outcome of the war--including its ability to pressure Congress--lies in the strength of its numbers and the power of its protests. Without this, the notion that the antiwar movement is "winning" is an act of self-delusion. Sharon Smith's new book is Women and Socialism. She can be reached at: sharon [at] internationalsocialist.org --------13 of 15-------- Of Hoisting and Petards Homegrown Resistance By STAN GOFF CounterPunch August 10, 2005 I have learned from first hand experience that war is the destroyer of everything that is good in the world, it turns our young into soulless killers and we tell them that they are heroes when they master the "art" of killing. -Kevin Benderman I cannot tell anyone else how to live his or her life but I have determined how I want to live mine--by not participating in war any longer... -Monica Benderman Quit saying that U.S. troops died for a noble cause in Iraq, unless you say, 'well, except for Casey Sheehan.' Don't you dare spill any more blood in Casey's name. You do not have permission to use my son's name. (To President George W. Bush) -Cindy Sheehan On July 29th, Sergeant Kevin Benderman was sent to prison for 15 months for filing a conscientious objector application with the Army. This did not come out in his court martial because the court ruled early on that not one word was to be spoken in his defense that relied on his moral objection to the war in Iraq and--for Benderman--all wars of aggression. Because the court could not convict Benderman directly for conscientious objection, a right guaranteed by federal law, they rejected his application without showing adequate cause and forced him to refuse--in accordance with his stated moral objection to the war--redeployment to Iraq. They then multiply charged him with preposterous accusations--including larceny and desertion--in an attempt to intimidate him with the possibility of seven years in prison. At the end of the day on July 29th, only one charge stuck--intentionally missing movement--for which they gave him a stiff 15 months at the Fort Lewis, Washington stockade. The missing movement charge itself had to be trumped up with a series of shifting statements from a senior NCO about the verbal content of a 45-minute meeting. Even the normally timid Amnesty International has publicly acknowledged that Kevin Benderman is "a prisoner of conscience." Monica Benderman, Kevin's life-partner, has been an active and articulate political-partner throughout this drama--a drama that, despite the Pentagon's efforts to spin, conceal, and minimize, has only served to highlight the dignity of exercising real freedom from within a cell and the utter decadence of those who never cease talking about freedom as an abstraction while they try to bomb and imprison their way out of another resistance. Neither the administration nor the Pentagon wants anyone to understand this paradox of freedom--real freedom, the existential kind, not that bombast flowing out of Rove's beleaguered office like an overflowing toilet. Soldiers and soldier's families are constantly instructed on something called courage. People can only hear that word so many times before they begin to actually reflect on what it means; and the briefest reflection reveals something much deeper than the pumped-up physical bravado required to engage in gunfights with strangers. This administration knows now that the very training and indoctrination that prepares troops for battle can slip the leash and provide the will to face first the truth, and then themselves, and then even prison. That really sucks for them, for Bush and Rumsfeld, who can never understand anything but the bravado of the rich bully. Because history will be far kinder to Kevin and Monica Benderman than it will be to George W. Bush and Donald Rumsfeld. Back when warfare was not digital, and not even mechanized, there was a weapon used to blow holes in walls--an explosive device called a petard. >From that era we get the chestnut about being "hoisted on his own petard." It's when one gets blown up by his own bomb a kind of grim poetic justice. In Iraq, as in Vietnam, the people themselves are the potentially faithless weapons. It was Brecht who wrote: General, your tank is a powerful vehicle It smashes down forests and crushes a hundred men. But it has one defect: It needs a driver. General, your bomber is powerful. It flies faster than a storm and carries more than an elephant. But it has one defect: It needs a mechanic. General, man is very useful. He can fly and he can kill. But he has one defect: He can think. Perhaps this is why Donald Rumsfeld is hell-bent on building robot armies; but even still, as an Iraqi man tells a US infantry lieutenant in the upcoming (an d highly recommended) film Occupation: Dreamland, "America is very powerful. It can build nuclear rockets and put people on the moon. But we are the people. America cannot make the people. Only we can make the people." So Rumsfeld and Cheney's ventriloquist dummy Bush are now looking at their nasty little petard and beginning to realize that it is made with an unstable explosive. Benderman is the latest in a series of military resisters to face prison, both from the ranks and from the families--because we have to point out that a Monica Benderman is engaging in the same resistance as a Kevin Benderman, and her sacrifice is shared with Kevin's. The families, unlike during the GI resistance of the Vietnam era, are far more directly and aggressively involved in this resistance. The one time that the sacrifice is not shared between family member and soldier is when the soldier is killed. Then only those who most loved the soldier are left behind with that terrible irreversible absence. The Bush administration doesn't want to talk about that either. On the back of my old Veterans for Peace tee-shirt, there is a poem by Vietnam Veteran George Swiers: If we do not speak of it others will surely rewrite the script. Each of the body bags all of the mass graves will be opened and their contents abracadabraed into a noble cause. Thus are the powerful now trapped in the starched and coiffed, securitized and scripted abracadabra of trying to make their war a noble cause, while Benderman sits in prison a free man because there is nothing they can take away from those who learn to walk past their fear. The administration cannot talk about Kevin and Monica Benderman's sacrifice without putting Benderman's freedom on display--emboldening others to do the same--and they cannot talk with the aggrieved who have lost their flesh and blood in Iraq--like Cindy Sheehan. Cindy Sheehan's son Casey was killed on April 4, 2004, during the Sadr rebellion--a rebellion provoked by the Coalition Provisional Authority's decision to bring democracy to the slums of Baghdad by closing their most popular newspaper, al Hawza. When demonstrators protested, American troops opened fire, killing several unarmed people and sparking the armed rebellion that killed Casey Sheehan. Six days after Kevin Benderman went to prison and Monica started to look for a place in Washington State, Cindy Sheehan, who had come to Dallas for the Veterans for Peace Annual Convention, decided to interdict George W. Bush's vacation at the Crawford "Ranch" two and a half hours away. She and about 50 conventioneers, including a squad of newly joined Iraq Veterans Against the War, loaded up an "Impeachment" bus and deposited Cindy in a tent adjacent to the Crawford snake and gopher ranch. Cindy said she will stay there until the police drag away a bereaved mother, until the President answers her one question face-to-face, or until Bush leaves Crawford: "Why did my son die? What was the noble cause that he died for?" Abracadabra. Cindy Sheehan and Kevin Benderman and Monica Benderman, and the host of other Gold Star families and military resisters--many of whom were with us at the VFP Convention in Dallas last week, may not be able to wear the expensive clothes, or sport the expensive coifs, or ride in the armored and body-guarded limousines of those powerful men who are trapped in their abracadabra scripts and their tail-spinning agendas, but when you look at them you can see the straight line from freedom to dignity, how something real is inside these ordinary people who have discovered courage in extraordinary circumstances people like the Bendermans and Cindy Sheehan. Alongside them compare the Bushes and the Rumsfelds and the Cheneys and the Roves--buffoons made dangerous with power, the C-Team of a ruling class in an epoch when their power is hemorrhaging through the wounds being opened by resistance from Baghdad to La Paz, men (and a few women) encircled by the demands of governance and fearful of even the tiniest truths. Abracadabra who is nobler than the nobles now? Stan Goff is the author of "Hideous Dream: A Soldier's Memoir of the US Invasion of Haiti" (Soft Skull Press, 2000), "Full Spectrum Disorder" (Soft Skull Press, 2003) and "Sex & War" which will be released approximately December, 2005. He is retired from the United States Army. His blog is at www.stangoff.com. Goff can be reached at: sherrynstan [at] igc.org --------14 of 15-------- Darken Up, A-Hole Reflections on Indian Mascots and White Rage By TIM WISE CounterPunch August 10, 2005 All I wanted was a lousy beer. OK, a few lousy beers. Is that too much to ask? Of course, I suppose it was partly my fault. After all, I had taken my laptop with me into the bar, having just come from the library, where I'd spent the day doing research for a new book. Computer in hand, and being a writer and all, I naturally flipped it open to type in a few random thoughts for a column: not this column, actually. This one emerged from what happened next. Computers in brewpubs are like steaming piles of shit in a field full of flies: guaranteed to attract attention from the regulars. And so it happened, when a guy who'd gotten a four or five pint head start on me, asked what I was working on. I could have lied. Maybe shoulda.' Didn't, though. "I'm a writer, just making a few notes," I answered back. I hoped that might be the end of it, but I sorta' knew it wouldn't be. "You a songwriter?" he asked. Made sense, seeing as how this was a bar in the heart of Nashville, just four or five blocks from Music Row: a street lined with recording studios and record label offices. Once more, I could have lied. Maybe shoulda.' But then again, tell someone you're a songwriter in this town and you'll have to listen to their latest song, which they'll whip out, on an already recorded demo, hoping you know someone to whom it can be passed along. I didn't have time for that bullshit, so I just told the truth. "Nope, I'm a political columnist. I write mostly about racism, economics, a few other social issues." Now here's the thing: Up to this point, I've remained purposely vague, not tipping off my newfound bar mate as to my political stripes, or where I might be coming from when it comes to race. But here's the thing too: I'm white, and so is he. And there is an unspoken understanding among white folks, especially white men, it seems-and especially, perhaps, in the South-and that understanding goes roughly like this: when people of color aren't around, it's perfectly acceptable to talk badly about them. As such, I knew what was coming, or at least that something was, though the form it would take was to remain a mystery-at least, that is, for the next three or four nanoseconds; that being the time it would take for the guy on the neighboring stool to formulate his next thought. And here I am using the term "thought" generously. Apparently, ESPN had just announced that the NCAA had decided to sanction schools that continue to use demeaning, stereotype-laden mascots of American Indians for their athletic teams. This, as it turns out, was not sitting well with the aging frat boy here, and he figured, I guess, that I would agree with him. It never crossed his mind that I might support the decision; indeed, think the NCAA had let the dozen or so schools in question off lightly. After all, they had only barred them from hosting NCAA tournament games, or displaying their logos at such events, in the latter instance not even until 2008, and all of this, only in basketball. "What's the big deal?" he huffed. "There's nothing racist about a mascot. Talk about some oversensitive bullshit!" Easy for him to say, I thought. Folks like us rarely have to worry about being objectified, and turned into dehumanizing caricatures. When people like you run the country and every institution therein, "sticks and stones" takes on a much more truthful ring than it does for anyone else. Knowing I had an obligation to respond, yet wanting to do so in a way that wouldn't get me thrown out of the bar, I asked if he thought it was really appropriate for those of us who weren't Indian to say what was and wasn't offensive to those who were. "What?" he replied, clearly not expecting to have been challenged in such a way. I repeated the question, at which point he suggested that not all Indians found mascots offensive. He even had some Indian blood, he insisted, way back in his family line: a claim that single-handedly proved what little he knows of indigenous culture. After all, the notion of "Indian blood" and blood quantum, were largely concepts created by the white ruling class to limit the scope of land settlements with Indian nations. Indians were not, with a few notable exceptions, biological determinists. "Take the Seminoles," he thundered. "They actually support Florida State calling themselves that!" True enough, the official Seminole nation of Florida is on record as supporting the use of their name at FSU. But of course, there are other Seminoles in the region who feel differently, not to mention the black Seminoles who have been all but disowned by those who consider themselves "true" representatives of the tribe. Indian politics are complicated, as it turns out. Much more so, in fact, than the average white guy at a bar, who is nothing if not predictable. "Understood," I replied. It was at that point I offered what seems, to me, the only logical compromise on the matter: one which, if this guy really felt as though Indians supported mascots, he'd be quick to accept. "So," I said, "How about we just let Indian folks vote on it. But just Indians, and just those who are either tribally enrolled or otherwise clearly identified and active in Native communities, culture or politics? In other words, let's stay out of it, you and me, and let those who are directly affected make the call." He didn't like that much, as was made evident by how quickly he changed the subject. "What about Notre Dame?" he shot back. "The Fighting Irish. What about that? My ancestors were Irish," he continued (ah yes, one of those Irish Indians), "and it doesn't bother me one bit!" Of course, the comparison was utterly unconvincing. To begin with, to be called a fighter is not the same as to be called, or typified visually as a "savage." There is a qualitative difference, made all the more evident by the history of this nation: a history in which fighting Indians were slaughtered, and for whom their willingness to fight back at those who sought to exterminate them, provided their murderers with what the latter thought the ultimate justification for the perpetration of a Holocaust. Fighting Irishmen, meanwhile, got to be viewed as perfect candidates for the Union Army, or for your local police force. In other words, one group of fighters had to be eliminated, the other, assimilated. If we can't discern the yawning chasm between these two things, well, we really should stop drinking, be it at the local brewpub, or anywhere else. Secondly, indigenous persons, unlike Irish Americans, continue to be marginalized in the United States. A substantial percentage have been geographically ghettoized and isolated on some of the nation's most desolate land, while those off the rez have largely been stripped of the cultures, languages and customs of their forbears by a boarding school policy implemented against their families, which policy's stated purpose from the 1800s through much of the twentieth century was to "Kill the Indian and save the man." To be Irish American is to be a member of the largest white ethnic group in the nation, and one of the most accepted and celebrated at that. It wasn't always that way, to be sure, but it is now. For Irish folks to be stereotyped as fighters simply doesn't have the same impact-given the power and position of the Irish in this society-as when stereotypes are deployed against subordinated groups. Objectification only works its magic upon those who continue to be vilified. For those on top, it can become a source of amusement, laughter-a good time. "Yeah," I responded. "But when Notre Dame chose to call themselves the Fightin' Irish, the school was made up overwhelmingly of Irish Catholics. In other words, it was Irish folks choosing that name for themselves. How many Indians do you think were really in on the decision to call themselves 'redskins,' or to be portrayed as screaming warriors on someone else's school clothing?" Again, silence, and again a changing of the subject. "Yeah but what really galls me," he continued, "is that a bunch of these schools are just trying to honor Native Americans. They're just trying to pay respect to the spirit of the Indians. It's like nothing we can do is ever enough for those people." Aside from how calling indigenous folks "those people" jibes with a true desire to honor them (let alone his claim to be one at some remove), this particular nugget-offered by far more than just one drunk guy at a Nashville bar-has always struck me as especially vile. If schools wanted to honor first nations people, after all, they could do it in any number of more meaningful ways. They could establish Native American studies programs and fund them adequately. They could step up their recruitment of Indian students, staff and faculty, rather than retreating from such efforts in the face of misplaced backlash to affirmative action. They could strip the names off of buildings on their campuses that pay tribute to those who participated in the butchering of Native peoples. Here in Nashville that process could begin by renaming, without delay, any building named after Andrew Jackson, of which there are several. Perhaps most importantly, we could begin by telling the truth about what was done to the indigenous of this land, rather than trying to paper over that truth, minimize the horror, and, once again, change the subject. You know the kind of people I'm speaking of: the ones who refuse to label the elimination of over ninety-five percent of the native peoples of the Americas "genocide." Folks like conservative author Dinesh D'Souza, who, in a debate with me at Western Washington University in May, insisted that terming the process genocide was absurd. It was, to him, merely an emotional appeal on my part, devoid of content; calculated to gain applause at the expense of honesty. To Dinesh, genocide was an inappropriate term because most of the Indians who perished died from diseases, not warfare waged by whites. That Dinesh has never read the definition of genocide, readily available in the United Nation's 1948 Genocide Convention, certainly was no surprise. But had he done so, he would have seen that in order to qualify as genocide, one does not have to directly kill anyone per se. Rather, genocide describes any of the following acts, committed with the intent to destroy in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group: killing members of the group; causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; deliberately inflicting conditions calculated to bring about the group's destruction in whole or in part; imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group, or forcibly transferring the children of the group to another. In fact, each of these categories has been met in the case of American Indians. And had it not been for conquest, those diseases to which Indians had no resistance-and which colonists praised as the "work of God," clearing the land for them-wouldn't have ravaged the native populations as they did. To imply that such deaths were merely accidental or incidental would be like saying the Nazis bore no responsibility for the 1.6 million or so Jews who died of disease and starvation in the camps, rather than having been gassed or shot. But try saying that at your local neighborhood synagogue and see how far you get-with good reason. Once again I suggested that if Indians thought mascots were a form of flattery and tribute, then surely they would vote that way in an Indian-only plebiscite. So, I repeated, why not just let them vote on it, and keep out of their way? After all, that would be honoring them too: trusting the wisdom of Indian peoples to prevail, one way or the other. "But this is America," he shot back. "And I've got a right to my opinion too! I shouldn't be disallowed from having my say on it, just because I'm white. That's reverse discrimination." Ah yes, reverse discrimination. Not being able to turn other people into a cartoon for your own enjoyment is now to be seen as a form of oppression. One wonders, indeed, how white folks can stand such a burden placed upon our shoulders. Just as I was about to respond, he pulled out some money to pay his bar tab. And as he slapped down his bills upon the bar-twenties as it turns out-and I had the occasion to glance down, my eyes fixing on the eternal gaze of this nation's pre-eminent Indian killer, I wondered out loud, why it is that white folks get more upset about taking offensive Indian imagery down, than we do about the normalization of white male imagery like that on this particular greenback. Why do we not find that image, on one of our most common monetary denominations enraging: an image that we're supposed to revere; a man we're supposed to praise; a "hero" we're supposed to view as a national role model of sorts. In other words, why do we allow ourselves, as white men, to be turned into a caricature too-into a stereotype? I'd like to think that most white guys are better than Andrew Jackson. I'd like to. But on days like this, I just don't know. Tim Wise is the author of two new books: White Like Me: Reflections on Race from a Privileged Son (Soft Skull Press, 2005), and Affirmative Action: Racial Preference in Black and White (Routledge: 2005). He can be reached at: timjwise [at] msn.com --------15 of 15-------- My fellow addicts: I'm Uncle Sam, and I'm an imperialist. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ - David Shove shove001 [at] tc.umn.edu rhymes with clove Progressive Calendar over 2225 subscribers as of 12.19.02 please send all messages in plain text no attachments
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